What did Sam Houston want to do about the Alamo? What was his reason?

Major boxing of the Texas Revolution

Battle of the Alamo
Part of the Texas Revolution
The Alamo, every bit drawn in 1854
Date February 23 – March six, 1836 Location Alamo Mission, San Antonio, Mexican Texas 29°25′32″N 98°29′ten″W  /  29.42556°N 98.48611°W  / 29.42556; -98.48611 Coordinates: 29°25′32″N 98°29′10″Due west  /  29.42556°N 98.48611°West  / 29.42556; -98.48611 Event Mexican victory
Belligerents
Mexican Republic	Commonwealth of Texas
Commanders and leaders
Antonio López de Santa Anna Manuel Fernandez Castrillon Martin Perfecto de Cos	William Travis † James Bowie † Davy Crockett †
Force
one,800–half dozen,000[one]	185–260
Casualties and losses
400–600 killed and wounded[two] [3] [4]	182–257[one]

The Battle of the Alamo (February 23 – March half-dozen, 1836) was a pivotal event in the Texas Revolution. Following a 13-day siege, Mexican troops under President General Antonio López de Santa Anna reclaimed the Alamo Mission almost San Antonio de Béxar (mod-day San Antonio, Texas, The states), killing nearly of the Texians and Tejanos inside. Santa Anna's cruelty during the battle inspired many Texians and Tejanos to join the Texian Army. Buoyed past a desire for revenge, the Texians defeated the Mexican Army at the Battle of San Jacinto, on April 21, 1836, ending the rebellion in favor of the newly-formed Republic of Texas.

Several months previously, Texians had driven all Mexican troops out of Mexican Texas. About 100 Texians were then garrisoned at the Alamo. The Texian forcefulness grew slightly with the inflow of reinforcements led by eventual Alamo co-commanders James Bowie and William B. Travis. On February 23, approximately 1,500 Mexicans marched into San Antonio de Béxar equally the kickoff step in a campaign to retake Texas. For the next 10 days, the two armies engaged in several skirmishes with minimal casualties. Aware that his garrison could not withstand an assault by such a large strength, Travis wrote multiple letters pleading for more than men and supplies from Texas and from the United states of america, but the Texians were reinforced by fewer than 100 men because the United states had a treaty with Mexico, and supplying men and weapons would take been an overt act of war.

In the early morn hours of March vi, the Mexican Army advanced on the Alamo. After repelling two attacks, the Texians were unable to fend off a third attack. As Mexican soldiers scaled the walls, almost of the Texian fighters withdrew into interior buildings. Occupiers unable to achieve these points were slain past the Mexican cavalry equally they attempted to escape. Between five and seven Texians may have surrendered; if so, they were chop-chop executed. Several noncombatants were sent to Gonzales to spread give-and-take of the Texian defeat. The news sparked both a stiff blitz to join the Texian army and a panic, known as "The Runaway Scrape", in which the Texian army, most settlers, and the new, self-proclaimed but officially unrecognized, Republic of Texas government fled eastward toward the U.s.a. ahead of the advancing Mexican Army.

Within Mexico, the boxing has oftentimes been overshadowed by events from the Mexican–American War of 1846–48. In 19th-century Texas, the Alamo complex gradually became known equally a battle site rather than a former mission. The Texas Legislature purchased the land and buildings in the early on function of the 20th century and designated the Alamo chapel as an official Texas State Shrine. The Alamo has been the subject of numerous non-fiction works beginning in 1843. Most Americans, however, are more familiar with the myths and legends spread by many of the moving-picture show and television adaptations,^[v] including the 1950s Disney mini-serial Davy Crockett and John Wayne's 1960 film The Alamo.

Background

In 1835, in that location was a drastic shift in the Mexican nation. The triumph of conservative forces in the elections unleashed a series of events that culminated on October 23, 1835, nether a new constitution, after the repeal of the federalist Constitution of 1824. Las Siete Leyes (Spanish: [las ˈsjete ˈleʝes]), or Vii Laws were a series of constitutional changes that fundamentally contradistinct the organizational structure of Mexico, ending the showtime federal period and creating a unitary republic, officially the Mexican Republic (Spanish: República Mexicana).^[six] Formalized under President Antonio López de Santa Anna on 15 December 1835, they were enacted in 1836. They were intended to centralize and strengthen the national government. The aim of the previous constitution was to create a political system that would emulate the success of the Us, simply after a decade of political turmoil, economical stagnation, and threats and bodily foreign invasion, conservatives concluded that a better path for United mexican states was centralized ability.

The new policies, and the increased enforcement of immigration laws and import tariffs, incited many immigrants to revolt.^[7] The border region of Mexican Texas was largely populated by immigrants from the United states, some legal but about illegal. These people were accustomed to a federalist government and to extensive individual rights including the right to own slaves, and they were quite vocal in their displeasure at Mexico's constabulary enforcement and shift towards centralism.^[viii] Already suspicious after previous United states of america attempts to purchase Mexican Texas,^[9] Mexican authorities blamed much of the Texian unrest on United States immigrants, most of whom had entered illegally and made little effort to adapt to the Mexican culture and who continued to agree people in slavery when slavery had been abolished in United mexican states.^[10]

In October, Texians engaged Mexican troops in the first official battle of the Texas Revolution.^[eleven] Determined to quell the rebellion of immigrants, Santa Anna began assembling a large force, the Army of Operations in Texas, to restore guild.^[12] Almost of his soldiers were raw recruits,^[13] and many had been forcibly conscripted.^[fourteen]

The Autumn of the Alamo, painted by Theodore Gentilz in 1844, depicts the Alamo circuitous from the south. The Low Barracks, the chapel, and the wooden palisade connecting them are in the foreground.

The Texians systematically defeated the Mexican troops already stationed in Texas. The last group of Mexican soldiers in the region—allowable by Santa Anna's brother-in-law, General Martín Perfecto de Cos—surrendered on December 9 following the siege of Béxar.^[11] By this betoken, the Texian Army was dominated past very contempo arrivals to the region, primarily illegal immigrants from the United states of america. Many Texas settlers, unprepared for a long campaign, had returned abode.^[15] Angered by what he perceived to be United States interference in Mexican diplomacy, Santa Anna spearheaded a resolution classifying foreign immigrants found fighting in Texas every bit pirates. The resolution finer banned the taking of prisoners of state of war: in this menses of time, captured pirates were executed immediately.^{[fifteen] [sixteen]} Santa Anna reiterated this message in a strongly worded alphabetic character to United States President Andrew Jackson. This letter was not widely distributed, and it is unlikely that most of the United States recruits serving in the Texian Army were enlightened that at that place would be no prisoners of war.^[17]

When Mexican troops departed San Antonio de Béxar (now San Antonio, Texas, USA) Texian soldiers captured the Mexican garrison at the Alamo Mission, a onetime Castilian religious outpost which had been converted to a makeshift fort by the recently expelled Mexican Army.^[18] Described by Santa Anna as an "irregular fortification hardly worthy of the name",^[18] the Alamo had been designed to withstand an attack past native tribes, not an artillery-equipped army.^[nineteen] The complex sprawled beyond 3 acres (i.two ha), providing almost i,320 feet (400 1000) of perimeter to defend.^[xx] An interior plaza was bordered on the e by the chapel and to the south by a 1-story building known equally the Low Barracks.^[21] A wooden palisade stretched between these two buildings.^[22] The ii-story Long Barracks extended north from the chapel.^[21] At the northern corner of the east wall stood a cattle pen and equus caballus corral.^[23] The walls surrounding the complex were at least ii.75 feet (0.84 m) thick and ranged from 9–12 ft (2.vii–three.seven m) high.^{[24] [Note 1]}

To compensate for the lack of firing ports, Texian engineer Greenish B. Jameson constructed catwalks to let defenders to fire over the walls; this method, however, left the rifleman'due south upper body exposed.^[20] Mexican forces had left behind 19 cannons, which Jameson installed along the walls. A large 18-pounder had arrived in Texas with the New Orleans Greys. Jameson positioned this cannon in the southwest corner of the compound. He boasted to Texian Regular army commander Sam Houston that the Texians could "whip x to 1 with our artillery".^[25]

Prelude to battle

The Texian garrison was woefully undermanned and underprovisioned, with fewer than 100 soldiers remaining by January half dozen, 1836.^[26] Colonel James C. Neill, the acting Alamo commander, wrote to the provisional regime: "If there has always been a dollar here I have no knowledge of it".^[26] Neill requested boosted troops and supplies, stressing that the garrison was likely to exist unable to withstand a siege lasting longer than four days.^{[26] [27]} The Texian authorities was in turmoil and unable to provide much aid.^{[28] [Annotation 2]} 4 different men claimed to take been given command over the entire ground forces.^{[Annotation three]} On January 14, Neill approached one of them, Sam Houston, for assistance in gathering supplies, clothing, and ammunition.^[28]

James Bowie arrived at the Alamo Mission on Jan 19 with orders to destroy the complex. He instead became the garrison'south co-commander.

Houston could not spare the number of men necessary to mount a successful defense.^[29] Instead, he sent Colonel James Bowie with thirty men to remove the artillery from the Alamo and destroy the complex.^{[28] [Note 4]} Bowie was unable to transport the arms since the Alamo garrison lacked the necessary typhoon animals. Neill before long persuaded Bowie that the location held strategic importance.^[xxx] In a letter to Governor Henry Smith, Bowie argued that "the conservancy of Texas depends in bully measure on keeping Béxar out of the easily of the enemy. It serves as the frontier picquet guard, and if information technology were in the possession of Santa Anna, there is no stronghold from which to repel him in his march towards the Sabine."^{[31] [Note 5]} The letter to Smith concluded, "Colonel Neill and myself have come to the solemn resolution that we volition rather dice in these ditches than give information technology up to the enemy."^[31] Bowie too wrote to the provisional government, asking for "men, coin, rifles, and cannon powder".^[31] Few reinforcements were authorized; cavalry officer William B. Travis arrived in Béxar with thirty men on February three. Five days after, a pocket-size group of volunteers arrived, including the famous frontiersman and onetime U.Southward. Congressman David Crockett of Tennessee.^[32]

On Feb 11, Neill left the Alamo, determined to recruit additional reinforcements and gather supplies.^{[33] [34]} He transferred control to Travis, the highest-ranking regular regular army officer in the garrison.^[31] Volunteers comprised much of the garrison, and they were unwilling to accept Travis as their leader.^{[Note vi]} The men instead elected Bowie, who had a reputation as a fierce fighter, as their commander. Bowie celebrated by getting very intoxicated and creating havoc in Béxar. To mitigate the resulting ill feelings, Bowie agreed to share command with Travis.^{[34] [35] [36]}

As the Texians struggled to find men and supplies, Santa Anna continued to assemble men at San Luis Potosi; past the end of 1835, his ground forces numbered 6,019 soldiers.^[37] Rather than advance along the coast, where supplies and reinforcements could exist hands delivered past sea, Santa Anna ordered his army inland to Béxar, the political centre of Texas and the site of Cos's defeat.^[37] The army began its march n in late December.^[37] Officers used the long journey to railroad train the men. Many of the new recruits did not know how to utilize the sights of their guns, and many refused to fire from the shoulder because of the potent recoil.^[38]

Progress was irksome. There were non enough mules to send all of the supplies, and many of the teamsters, all civilians, quit when their pay was delayed. The many soldaderas – women and children who followed the army – consumed much of the already deficient supplies. The soldiers were soon reduced to partial rations.^[39] On Feb 12 they crossed the Rio Grande.^{[40] [Note 7]} Temperatures in Texas reached tape lows, and by February 13 an estimated 15–16 inches (38–41 cm) of snowfall had fallen. Hypothermia, dysentery, and Comanche raiding parties took a heavy cost on the Mexican soldiers.^[41]

On Feb 21, Santa Anna and his vanguard reached the banks of the Medina River, 25 miles (40 km) from Béxar.^{[42] [43]} Unaware of the Mexican Army'south proximity, the majority of the Alamo garrison joined Béxar residents at a fiesta.^{[44] [Note 8]} After learning of the planned commemoration, Santa Anna ordered General Joaquín Ramírez y Sesma to immediately seize the unprotected Alamo, but sudden rains halted that raid.^[43]

Siege

Investment

In the early hours of February 23, residents began fleeing Béxar, fearing the Mexican regular army'southward imminent arrival. Although unconvinced past the reports, Travis stationed a soldier in the San Fernando church bell tower, the highest location in town, to picket for signs of an approaching forcefulness. Several hours later, Texian scouts reported seeing Mexican troops ane.five miles (two.4 km) outside the town.^[44] Few arrangements had been made for a potential siege. One group of Texians scrambled to herd cattle into the Alamo, while others scrounged for nutrient in the recently abased houses.^[45] Several members of the garrison who had been living in boondocks brought their families with them when they reported to the Alamo. Amongst these were Almaron Dickinson, who brought his wife Susanna and their baby daughter Angelina; Bowie, who was accompanied past his deceased wife's cousins, Gertrudis Navarro and Juana Navarro Alsbury, and Alsbury'south young son;^[46] and Gregorio Esparza, whose family climbed through the window of the Alamo chapel after the Mexican army arrived.^[47] Other members of the garrison failed to report for duty; nearly of the men working outside Béxar did non endeavour to sneak past Mexican lines.^[48]

I reply to you lot, co-ordinate to the social club of His Excellency, that the Mexican army cannot come to terms nether whatever weather condition with rebellious foreigners to whom there is no recourse left, if they wish to save their lives, than to identify themselves immediately at the disposal of the Supreme Government from whom alone they may wait clemency after some considerations.

response of José Bartres to Texian requests for an honorable surrender, every bit quoted in the journal of Juan Almonte^[49]

By late afternoon Béxar was occupied by about ane,500 Mexican soldiers.^[50] When the Mexican troops raised a blood-blood-red flag signifying no quarter, Travis responded with a blast from the Alamo's largest cannon.^[51] Believing that Travis had acted hastily, Bowie sent Jameson to come across with Santa Anna.^[49] Travis was angered that Bowie had acted unilaterally and sent his own representative, Captain Albert Martin.^[52] Both emissaries met with Colonel Juan Almonte and José Bartres. Co-ordinate to Almonte, the Texians asked for an honorable give up but were informed that any give up must be unconditional.^[49] On learning this, Bowie and Travis mutually agreed to fire the cannon again.^{[52] [Note 9]}

Skirmishes

The showtime dark of the siege was relatively quiet.^[53] Over the side by side few days, Mexican soldiers established artillery batteries, initially about 1,000 feet (300 m) from the south and east walls of the Alamo.^[54] A third bombardment was positioned southeast of the fort. Each night the batteries inched closer to the Alamo walls.^[55] During the first week of the siege more than 200 cannonballs landed in the Alamo plaza. At outset, the Texians matched Mexican artillery fire, frequently reusing the Mexican cannonballs.^{[56] [57]} On February 26 Travis ordered the artillery to conserve powder and shot.^[56]

Two notable events occurred on Wednesday, February 24. At some indicate that day, Bowie complanate from illness,^[58] leaving Travis in sole command of the garrison.^[58] Late that afternoon, two Mexican scouts became the outset fatalities of the siege.^{[59] [Note 9]} The following morning, 200–300 Mexican soldiers crossed the San Antonio River and took cover in abandoned shacks most the Alamo walls.^{[55] [59] [60]} Several Texians ventured out to burn the huts^[60] while Texians inside the Alamo provided encompass fire.^{[61] [62]} Later a two-hr skirmish, the Mexican troops retreated to Béxar.^{[55] [62]} Half dozen Mexican soldiers were killed and four others were wounded.^[55] No Texians were injured.^[63]

A blueish norther blew in on Feb 25, dropping the temperature to 39 °F (four °C).^[56] Neither ground forces was prepared for the cold temperatures.^[64] Texian attempts to gather firewood were thwarted by Mexican troops.^[56] On the evening of February 26 Colonel Juan Bringas engaged several Texians who were burning more huts.^[65] According to historian J.R. Edmondson, one Texian was killed.^[66] Four days later, Texians shot and killed Individual Kickoff Class Secundino Alvarez, a soldier from one of two battalions that Santa Anna had stationed on two sides of the Alamo. By March 1, the number of Mexican casualties was nine dead and 4 wounded, while the Texian garrison had lost merely one man.

Reinforcements

Santa Anna posted one company east of the Alamo, on the road to Gonzales.^{[55] [68]} Almonte and 800 dragoons were stationed forth the route to Goliad.^[69] Throughout the siege these towns had received multiple couriers, dispatched past Travis to plead for reinforcements and supplies.^{[51] [70]} The most famous of his missives, written February 24, was addressed To the People of Texas & All Americans in the World. According to historian Mary Deborah Petite, the letter is "considered by many equally one of the masterpieces of American patriotism."^[71] Copies of the letter were distributed beyond Texas,^[72] and eventually reprinted throughout the United States and much of Europe.^[59] At the end of the first mean solar day of the siege, Santa Anna's troops were reinforced past 600 men under General Joaquin Ramirez y Sesma, bringing the Mexican army upwardly to more than two,000 men.

Every bit news of the siege spread throughout Texas, potential reinforcements gathered in Gonzales. They hoped to rendezvous with Colonel James Fannin, who was expected to get in from Goliad with his garrison.^[73] On February 26, afterwards days of indecision, Fannin ordered 320 men, 4 cannons, and several supply wagons to march towards the Alamo, 90 miles (140 km) away. This grouping traveled less than i.0 mile (i.half dozen km) earlier turning back.^{[74] [75]} Fannin blamed the retreat on his officers; the officers and enlisted men accused Fannin of aborting the mission.^[76]

Texians gathered in Gonzales were unaware of Fannin's return to Goliad, and most continued to expect. Impatient with the delay, on Feb 27 Travis ordered Samuel G. Bastian to become to Gonzales "to bustle up reinforcements".^[77] According to historian Thomas Ricks Lindley, Bastian encountered the Gonzales Ranging Visitor led by Lieutenant George C. Kimble and Travis' courier to Gonzales, Albert Martin, who had tired of waiting for Fannin. A Mexican patrol attacked, driving off four of the men including Bastian.^{[Note 10] [78]} In the darkness, the Texians fired on the remaining 32 men, whom they causeless were Mexican soldiers. One man was wounded, and his English curses convinced the occupiers to open the gates.^{[Notation 11] [79]}

On March 3, the Texians watched from the walls as approximately 1,000 Mexicans marched into Béxar. The Mexican ground forces celebrated loudly throughout the afternoon, both in honor of their reinforcements and at the news that troops under General José de Urrea had soundly defeated Texian Colonel Frank W. Johnson at the Battle of San Patricio on February 27.^[80] About of the Texians in the Alamo believed that Sesma had been leading the Mexican forces during the siege, and they mistakenly attributed the commemoration to the arrival of Santa Anna. The reinforcements brought the number of Mexican soldiers in Béxar to almost 3,100.^[81]

The arrival of the Mexican reinforcements prompted Travis to send three men, including Davy Crockett, to observe Fannin's force, which he however believed to be en route.^[82] The scouts discovered a big group of Texians camped xx miles (32 km) from the Alamo.^[83] Lindley's inquiry indicates that up to l of these men had come from Goliad after Fannin'due south aborted rescue mission. The others had left Gonzales several days before.^[84] Just before daylight on March 4, part of the Texian force broke through Mexican lines and entered the Alamo. Mexican soldiers drove a second group across the prairie.^{[83] [Note 12]}

Assault preparations

On March four, the day later his reinforcements arrived, Santa Anna proposed an set on on the Alamo. Many of his senior officers recommended that they wait for two 12-pounder cannons predictable to arrive on March 7.^[85] That evening, a local adult female, likely Bowie's cousin-in-police Juana Navarro Alsbury, approached Santa Anna to negotiate a surrender for the Alamo occupiers.^[86] Co-ordinate to many historians, this visit probably increased Santa Anna's impatience; as historian Timothy Todish noted, "in that location would have been footling celebrity in a bloodless victory".^[87] The following morning time, Santa Anna appear to his staff that the assault would accept place early on on March six. Santa Anna arranged for troops from Béxar to be excused from the forepart lines and so that they would non be forced to fight their own families.^[87]

Legend holds that at some betoken on March 5, Travis gathered his men and explained that an attack was imminent, and that they were greatly outnumbered by the Mexican Ground forces. He supposedly drew a line in the ground and asked those willing to die for the Texian cause to cross and stand alongside him; only one man (Moses Rose) was said to take declined.^[88] Most scholars disregard this tale as at that place is no primary source evidence to support information technology (the story only surfaced decades after the battle in a third-hand account).^[89] Travis apparently did, at some betoken prior to the final set on, gather the men for a conference to inform them of the dire state of affairs and giving them the chance to either escape or stay and dice for the crusade. Susannah Dickinson recalled Travis announcing that any men who wished to escape should allow it be known and stride out of ranks.^[xc]

The terminal Texian verified to have left the Alamo was James Allen, a courier who carried personal letters from Travis and several of the other men on March 5.^[91]

Final assail

Exterior fighting

Initial Mexican troop deployment^{[92] [93]}

Commander	Troops	Equipment
Cos	350	10 ladders 2 crowbars 2 axes
Duque/Castrillón	400	10 ladders
Romero	400	6 ladders
Morales	125	2 ladders
Sesma	500 cavalry
Santa Anna	400 reserves

At 10 p.thou. on March five, the Mexican artillery ceased their bombardment. As Santa Anna had anticipated, the exhausted Texians before long savage into the first uninterrupted sleep many of them had since the siege began.^[94] Just later midnight, more than than ii,000 Mexican soldiers began preparing for the final assault.^[95] Fewer than 1,800 were divided into four columns, commanded past Cos, Colonel Francisco Duque, Colonel José María Romero and Colonel Juan Morales.^{[92] [93]} Veterans were positioned on the outside of the columns to improve command the new recruits and conscripts in the centre.^[96] Every bit a precaution, 500 Mexican cavalry were positioned around the Alamo to prevent the escape of either Texian or Mexican soldiers. Santa Anna remained in military camp with the 400 reserves.^{[93] [97]} Despite the biting common cold, the soldiers were ordered non to wear overcoats which could impede their movements.^[93] Clouds curtained the moon and thus the movements of the soldiers.^[98]

At 5:xxx a.m. troops silently avant-garde. Cos and his men approached the northwest corner of the Alamo,^[96] while Duque led his men from the northwest towards a repaired breach in the Alamo's due north wall.^[99] The cavalcade allowable by Romero marched towards the east wall, and Morales's column aimed for the low parapet by the chapel.^[99]

The three Texian sentinels stationed outside the walls were killed in their sleep,^{[100] [101]} allowing Mexican soldiers to approach undetected within musket range of the walls.^[100] At this point, the silence was broken past shouts of "¡Viva Santa Anna!" and music from the buglers.^[95] The dissonance woke the Texians.^[101] Most of the noncombatants gathered in the church building sacristy for prophylactic.^[102] Travis rushed to his post yelling, "Come up on boys, the Mexicans are upon usa and nosotros'll give them hell!"^[100] and, as he passed a group of Tejanos, "¡No rendirse, muchachos!" ("Don't surrender, boys").^[94]

This plan of the Alamo was created by José Juan Sánchez Navarro in 1836. Places marked R and V denote Mexican cannon; position S indicates Cos'due south forces.

In the initial moments of the assault, Mexican troops were at a disadvantage. Their column formation immune only the front end rows of soldiers to fire safely.^[103] Unaware of the dangers, the untrained recruits in the ranks "blindly fir[ed] their guns", injuring or killing the troops in front of them.^[104] The tight concentration of troops also offered an excellent target for the Texian artillery.^[103] Lacking canister shot, Texians filled their cannon with whatsoever metal they could notice, including door hinges, nails, and chopped-up horseshoes, essentially turning the cannon into behemothic shotguns.^[100] Co-ordinate to the diary of José Enrique de la Peña, "a single cannon volley did abroad with one-half the visitor of chasseurs from Toluca".^[105] Duque cruel from his horse after suffering a wound in his thigh and was most trampled past his own men. General Manuel Castrillón apace causeless command of Duque's column.^[23]

Although some in the front of the Mexican ranks wavered, soldiers in the rear pushed them on.^[103] Every bit the troops massed confronting the walls, Texians were forced to lean over the walls to shoot, leaving them exposed to Mexican fire. Travis became one of the first occupiers to die, shot while firing his shotgun into the soldiers below him, though one source says that he drew his sword and stabbed a Mexican officer who had stormed the wall earlier succumbing to his injury.^[103] Few of the Mexican ladders reached the walls.^[106] The few soldiers who were able to climb the ladders were quickly killed or beaten back. Every bit the Texians discharged their previously loaded rifles, they found it increasingly hard to reload while attempting to proceed Mexican soldiers from scaling the walls.^[23]

Mexican soldiers withdrew and regrouped, but their 2nd attack was repulsed. Fifteen minutes into the boxing, they attacked a third time.^{[23] [103]} During the third strike, Romero'south column, aiming for the east wall, was exposed to cannon fire and shifted to the north, mingling with the second column.^[23] Cos' column, under fire from Texians on the w wall, also veered north.^[107] When Santa Anna saw that the bulk of his army was massed against the north wall, he feared a rout; "panicked", he sent the reserves into the same area.^[108] The Mexican soldiers closest to the north wall realized that the makeshift wall contained many gaps and toeholds. One of the first to scale the 12-pes (3.seven m) wall was General Juan Amador; at his claiming, his men began swarming upward the wall. Amador opened the postern in the northward wall, allowing Mexican soldiers to cascade into the complex.^[106] Others climbed through gun ports in the west wall, which had few occupiers.^[109] As the Texian occupiers abandoned the due north wall and the northern cease of the westward wall,^{[106] [109]} Texian gunners at the southward cease of the mission turned their cannon towards the north and fired into the advancing Mexican soldiers. This left the s terminate of the mission unprotected; inside minutes Mexican soldiers had climbed the walls and killed the gunners, gaining control of the Alamo's eighteen-pounder cannon.^[98] By this fourth dimension Romero'due south men had taken the due east wall of the chemical compound and were pouring in through the cattle pen.^[109]

Interior fighting

Bang-up God, Sue, the Mexicans are inside our walls! If they spare you, save my child

Concluding words of Texian defender Almaron Dickinson to his married woman Susanna as he prepared to defend the chapel.^[107]

As previously planned, most of the Texians fell back to the billet and the chapel. Holes had been carved in the walls to allow the Texians to burn down.^[107] Unable to reach the barracks, Texians stationed along the west wall headed west for the San Antonio River. When the cavalry charged, the Texians took cover and began firing from a ditch. Sesma was forced to send reinforcements, and the Texians were somewhen killed. Sesma reported that this skirmish involved fifty Texians, simply Edmondson believes that number was inflated.^[110]

The occupiers in the cattle pen retreated into the equus caballus corral. After discharging their weapons, the pocket-sized band of Texians scrambled over the low wall, circled behind the church and raced on foot for the east prairie, which appeared empty.^{[107] [109] [111]} Equally the Mexican cavalry advanced on the group, Almaron Dickinson and his artillery crew turned a cannon around and fired into the cavalry, probably inflicting casualties. Nevertheless, all of the escaping Texians were killed.^[111]

The last Texian group to remain in the open were Crockett and his men, defending the low wall in front of the church. Unable to reload, they used their rifles as clubs and fought with knives. After a volley of burn and a wave of Mexican bayonets, the few remaining Texians in this group fell back towards the church.^[110] The Mexican army now controlled all of the outer walls and the interior of the Alamo compound except for the church building and rooms forth the due east and west walls.^[112] Mexican soldiers turned their attending to a Texian flag waving from the roof of 1 edifice. Iv Mexicans were killed earlier the flag of Mexico was raised there.^{[Note 13] [113]}

For the next hour, the Mexican army worked to secure complete command of the Alamo.^[114] Many of the remaining occupiers were ensconced in the fortified barracks rooms.^[115] In the confusion, the Texians had neglected to spike their cannon before retreating. Mexican soldiers turned the cannon towards the billet.^[106] As each door was diddled off, Mexican soldiers would fire a volley of muskets into the nighttime room, then charge in for hand-to-mitt combat.^[115]

A pocketknife purportedly used by Davy Crockett during the Boxing of the Alamo

Besides sick to participate in the battle, Bowie likely died in bed. Eyewitnesses to the battle gave alien accounts of his expiry. Some witnesses maintained that they saw several Mexican soldiers enter Bowie's room, bayonet him, and acquit him alive from the room.^[116] Others claimed that Bowie shot himself or was killed by soldiers while too weak to lift his head.^[117] According to historian Wallace Chariton, the "near popular, and probably the most accurate"^[118] version is that Bowie died on his cot, "back braced against the wall, and using his pistols and his famous pocketknife."^[117]

The last of the Texians to die were the 11 men manning the two 12-pounder cannons in the chapel.^{[113] [119]} A shot from the 18-pounder cannon destroyed the barricades at the front of the church building, and Mexican soldiers entered the edifice after firing an initial musket volley. Dickinson'south crew fired their cannon from the apse into the Mexican soldiers at the door. With no fourth dimension to reload, the Texians, including Dickinson, Gregorio Esparza and James Bonham, grabbed rifles and fired before being bayoneted to expiry.^[120] Texian Robert Evans, the master of ordnance, had been tasked with keeping the gunpowder from falling into Mexican hands. Wounded, he crawled towards the powder magazine only was killed by a musket ball with his torch merely inches from the pulverisation.^[120] Had he succeeded, the nail would accept destroyed the church and killed the women and children hiding in the sacristy.^[121]

As soldiers approached the sacristy, i of the young sons of occupier Anthony Wolf stood to pull a blanket over his shoulders.^[120] In the dark, Mexican soldiers mistook him for an adult and killed him.^{[Note 14] [122]} Possibly the concluding Texian to dice in battle was Jacob Walker,^[123] who attempted to hide behind Susannah Dickinson and was bayoneted in front of the women.^[124] Some other Texian, Brigido Guerrero, also sought refuge in the sacristy.^[120] Guerrero, who had deserted from the Mexican Regular army in December 1835, was spared later disarming the soldiers he was a Texian prisoner.^{[122] [125]}

By 6:30 a.yard. the battle for the Alamo was over.^[124] Mexican soldiers inspected each corpse, bayoneting whatsoever trunk that moved.^[122] Even with all of the Texians dead, Mexican soldiers continued to shoot, some killing each other in the confusion. Mexican generals were unable to stop the bloodlust and appealed to Santa Anna for aid. Although the general showed himself, the violence continued and the buglers were finally ordered to sound a retreat. For 15 minutes later on that, soldiers continued to fire into expressionless bodies.^[126]

Aftermath

Casualties

Detailed news of the battle sometimes took weeks to reach publication in the E, such as these April nine columns in a Georgia newspaper.

A sarcophagus in the San Fernando Cathedral that is purported to hold the ashes of the Alamo occupiers. Historians believe it is more likely that the ashes were buried nigh the Alamo.

Co-ordinate to many accounts of the boxing, between five and seven Texians surrendered.^{[Note 15] [127] [128]} Incensed that his orders had been ignored, Santa Anna demanded the immediate execution of the survivors.^[129] Weeks after the boxing, stories circulated that Crockett was amongst those who surrendered.^[128] Ben, a onetime Usa slave who cooked for one of Santa Anna's officers, maintained that Crockett'south body was found surrounded by "no less than xvi Mexican corpses".^[130] Historians disagree on which version of Crockett's expiry is accurate.^{[Notation xvi] [131]}

Santa Anna reportedly told Helm Fernando Urizza that the battle "was but a modest thing".^[132] Some other officer then remarked that "with some other such victory equally this, we'll go to the devil".^{[Notation 17] [ii]} In his initial report Santa Anna claimed that 600 Texians had been killed, with but 70 Mexican soldiers killed and 300 wounded.^[133] His secretarial assistant, Ramón Martínez Caro, later on repudiated the report.^[134] Other estimates of the number of Mexican soldiers killed ranged from 60 to 200, with an additional 250–300 wounded.^[2] Near Alamo historians identify the number of Mexican casualties at 400–600.^{[ii] [three] [4]} This would represent about 1-tertiary of the Mexican soldiers involved in the final assail, which Todish remarks is "a tremendous prey charge per unit by any standards".^[2] Most eyewitnesses counted between 182 and 257 Texians killed.^[135] Some historians believe that at least one Texian, Henry Warnell, successfully escaped from the battle. Warnell died several months later of wounds incurred either during the concluding battle or during his escape as a courier.^{[136] [137]}

Mexican soldiers were cached in the local cemetery, Campo Santo.^{[Note xviii] [133]} Shortly later the boxing, Colonel José Juan Sanchez Navarro proposed that a monument should be erected to the fallen Mexican soldiers. Cos rejected the idea.^[138]

The Texian bodies were stacked and burned.^{[Note 19] [133]} The merely exception was the body of Gregorio Esparza. His brother Francisco, an officer in Santa Anna'due south army, received permission to give Gregorio a proper burial.^[133] The ashes were left where they fell until February 1837, when Juan Seguín returned to Béxar to examine the remains. A simple coffin inscribed with the names Travis, Crockett, and Bowie was filled with ashes from the funeral pyres.^[139] According to a March 28, 1837, article in the Telegraph and Texas Register,^[140] Seguín buried the bury under a peach tree grove. The spot was not marked and cannot now be identified.^[141] Seguín subsequently claimed that he had placed the coffin in front end of the altar at the San Fernando Cathedral. In July 1936 a coffin was discovered cached in that location, simply according to historian Wallace Chariton, it is unlikely to actually comprise the remains of the Alamo defenders. Fragments of uniforms were found in the bury and the Texian soldiers who fought at the Alamo were known not to article of clothing uniforms.^[140]

Texian survivors

Susanna Dickinson survived the Battle of the Alamo. Santa Anna sent her to spread discussion of the Texian defeat to the Texas colonists.

In an attempt to convince other slaves in Texas to support the Mexican authorities over the Texian rebellion, Santa Anna spared Travis' slave, Joe.^[142] The twenty-four hours afterward the battle, he interviewed each noncombatant individually. Impressed with Susanna Dickinson, Santa Anna offered to adopt her infant daughter Angelina and accept the kid educated in United mexican states City. Dickinson refused the offer, which was not extended to Juana Navarro Alsbury although her son was of similar age.^[ii] Each woman was given a blanket and two silver pesos.^[143] Alsbury and the other Tejano women were allowed to return to their homes in Béxar; Dickinson, her daughter and Joe were sent to Gonzales, escorted by Ben. They were encouraged to relate the events of the battle, and to inform the balance of the Texian forces that Santa Anna's ground forces was unbeatable.^[two]

Touch on on revolution

During the siege, newly elected delegates from across Texas met at the Convention of 1836. On March 2, the delegates declared independence, forming the Republic of Texas. Four days later, the delegates at the convention received a acceleration Travis had written March 3 alarm of his dire state of affairs. Unaware that the Alamo had fallen, Robert Potter called for the convention to adjourn and march immediately to relieve the Alamo. Sam Houston convinced the delegates to remain in Washington-on-the-Brazos to develop a constitution. Later being appointed sole commander of all Texian troops, Houston journeyed to Gonzales to take command of the 400 volunteers who were still waiting for Fannin to lead them to the Alamo.^[144]

Within hours of Houston's arrival on March xi, Andres Barcenas and Anselmo Bergaras arrived with news that the Alamo had fallen and all Texians were slain.^[145] Hoping to halt a panic, Houston arrested the men every bit enemy spies. They were released hours later when Susannah Dickinson and Joe reached Gonzales and confirmed the report.^[146] Realizing that the Mexican army would shortly advance towards the Texian settlements, Houston advised all civilians in the area to evacuate and ordered his new ground forces to retreat.^[147] This sparked a mass exodus, known as the Runaway Scrape, and virtually Texians, including members of the new government, fled east.^[148]

Despite their losses at the Alamo, the Mexican army in Texas yet outnumbered the Texian army by nearly 6 to 1.^[149] Santa Anna causeless that knowledge of the disparity in troop numbers and the fate of the Texian soldiers at the Alamo would quell the resistance,^[150] and that Texian soldiers would quickly leave the territory.^[151] News of the Alamo's fall had the contrary issue, and men flocked to bring together Houston's regular army.^[150] The New York Post editorialized that "had [Santa Anna] treated the vanquished with moderation and generosity, it would have been difficult if not impossible to awaken that general sympathy for the people of Texas which now impels so many adventurous and agog spirits to throng to the help of their brethren".^[152]

On the afternoon of April 21 the Texian regular army attacked Santa Anna's camp near Lynchburg Ferry. The Mexican army was taken by surprise, and the Battle of San Jacinto was substantially over afterward 18 minutes. During the fighting, many of the Texian soldiers repeatedly cried "Remember the Alamo!" as they slaughtered fleeing Mexican troops.^[153] Santa Anna was captured the post-obit mean solar day, and reportedly told Houston: "That human being may consider himself born to no common destiny who has conquered the Napoleon of the West. And now it remains for him to be generous to the vanquished." Houston replied, "You should have remembered that at the Alamo". Santa Anna's life was spared, and he was forced to guild his troops out of Texas, catastrophe Mexican command of the province and bestowing some legitimacy on the new democracy.^[154]

Legacy

Cenotaph memorial of the Alamo defenders

Closeup of the Alamo defenders

Closeup of the Alamo defenders

Following the battle, Santa Anna was alternately viewed as a national hero or a pariah. Mexican perceptions of the battle oftentimes mirrored the prevailing viewpoint.^[155] Santa Anna had been disgraced following his capture at the Battle of San Jacinto, and many Mexican accounts of the boxing were written by men who had been, or had become, his outspoken critics. Petite and many other historians believe that some of the stories, such as the execution of Crockett, may have been invented to further discredit Santa Anna.^[131] In Mexican history, the Texas campaign, including the Battle of the Alamo, was presently overshadowed by the Mexican–American War of 1846–48.^[155]

In San Antonio de Béxar, the largely Tejano population viewed the Alamo complex every bit more than than only a battle site; it represented decades of aid—as a mission, a infirmary, or a military mail.^[156] As the English-speaking population increased, the complex became all-time known for the battle. Focus has centered primarily on the Texian occupiers, with trivial emphasis given to the role of the Tejano soldiers who served in the Texian army or the actions of the Mexican ground forces.^[157] In the early on 20th century the Texas Legislature purchased the property and appointed the Daughters of the Republic of Texas as permanent caretakers^[158] of what is now an official land shrine.^[159] In front of the church, in the center of Alamo Plaza, stands a cenotaph, designed by Pompeo Coppini, which commemorates the Texians and Tejanos who died during the boxing.^[160] Co-ordinate to Bill Groneman's Battlefields of Texas, the Alamo has become "the most popular tourist site in Texas".^[159]

The first English language-language histories of the boxing were written and published by Texas Ranger and amateur historian John Henry Brownish.^[161] The next major treatment of the battle was Reuben Potter's The Fall of the Alamo, published in The Mag of American History in 1878. Potter based his work on interviews with many of the Mexican survivors of the battle.^{[161] [162]} The beginning full-length, non-fiction book covering the boxing, John Myers Myers' The Alamo, was published in 1948.^[163] In the decades since, the battle has featured prominently in many non-fiction works.

According to Todish et al., "there tin can be fiddling incertitude that most Americans have probably formed many of their opinions on what occurred at the Alamo not from books, but from the various movies made about the battle."^[164] The commencement flick version of the boxing appeared in 1911, when Gaston Méliès directed The Immortal Alamo.^[5] The boxing became more widely known later on it was featured in the 1950s Disney miniseries Davy Crockett, which was largely based on myth.^[5] Within several years, John Wayne directed and starred in 1 of the best-known, but questionably accurate, movie versions, 1960's The Alamo.^{[165] [Note xx]} Some other film also called The Alamo was released in 2004. CNN described it equally possibly "the nigh grapheme-driven of all the movies made on the subject". It is also considered more true-blue to the actual events than other movies.^[166]

Several songwriters have been inspired by the Battle of the Alamo. Tennessee Ernie Ford's "The Ballad of Davy Crockett" spent 16 weeks on the country music charts, peaking at No. 4 in 1955.^[167] Marty Robbins recorded a version of the song "The Carol of the Alamo" in 1960 which spent thirteen weeks on the pop charts, peaking at No. 34.^[168] Jane Bowers' song "Remember the Alamo" has been recorded past artists including Johnny Greenbacks,^[169] Willie Nelson,^[170] and Donovan.^[171] British hard rock band Babe Ruth's 1972 vocal "The Mexican" pictures the conflict through the eyes of a Mexican soldier. Singer-songwriter Phil Collins collected hundreds of items related to the battle, narrated a light and sound show about the Alamo, and has spoken at related events.^[172] In 2014 Collins donated his entire drove to the Alamo via the State of Texas.^{[173] [174]}

The U.South. Postal Service issued two postage stamps in celebration of Texas Statehood^[175] and the Battle of Alamo.^[176] The "Retrieve the Alamo" battle cry, equally well every bit the Alamo Mission itself appear on the electric current version of the reverse side of the seal of Texas.

The battle as well featured in episode 13 of The Time Tunnel, "The Alamo", first aired in 1966, and episode 5 of season i of the TV series Timeless, aired 2016.

First stamp to commemorate battle was issued in 1936, the 100th anniversary of the battle, depicting Sam Houston and Stephen Austin.

Second stamp, issued in 1956, depicts the facade of the Alamo mission.

The reverse of the electric current seal of Texas.

Meet also

• Concluding stand up
• List of last stands
• Listing of Alamo defenders
• Listing of Texan survivors of the Battle of the Alamo
• List of Texas Revolution battles

Notes

1. ^ The plaza covered an expanse 75 anxiety (23 1000) long and 62 feet (19 m) wide. The Depression Barracks was 114 feet (35 1000) long, and the Long Barracks was 186 feet (57 m) long and eighteen feet (5.5 grand) wide. (Myers (1948), pp. 180–81.)
2. ^ A week later Neill sent his letter, the Texian conditional legislature impeached the governor, who in plough disbanded the legislature. The acting constitution had given neither party the authorization to take these deportment, and no one in Texas was entirely sure who was in charge. (Todish et al. (1998), pp. 30–31.)
3. ^ Sam Houston, James Fannin, Frank W. Johnson, and Dr. James Grant. (Todish et al. (1998), p. xxx.)
4. ^ Houston's orders to Bowie were vague, and historians disagree on their intent. One interpretation is that Bowie's orders were to destroy merely the barricades that the Mexican Ground forces had erected around San Antonio de Béxar, and that he should and then wait in the Alamo until Governor Henry Smith decided whether the mission should exist demolished and the artillery removed. Smith never gave orders on this issue. (Edmondson (2000), p. 252.)
5. ^ The Sabine River marked the eastern edge of Mexican Texas.
6. ^ Volunteers in the Texian Regular army asserted the right to choose their own leaders, and most of them were unwilling to serve nether officers of the regular army.
7. ^ Although the Rio Grande now marks the edge betwixt Texas and Mexico, in this era the Nueces River, several hundred miles north, was considered the southern boundary of Mexican Texas.
8. ^ The fiesta was in celebration of the birthday of George Washington, the commencement president of the U.s..
9. ^ ^{a b} Although Santa Anna afterward reported that Texian cannon fire on Feb 23 killed two Mexican soldiers and wounded eight others, no other Mexican officeholder reported fatalities from that day. (Todish et al. (1998), p. 40., Edmondson (2000), p. 304.)
10. ^ Colonel Juan Almonte's periodical did not mention any skirmishes that evening. In 1837, Santa Anna'south secretary Roman Martinez Caro did written report "2 pocket-size reinforcements from Gonzales that succeeded in breaking through our lines and inbound the fort. The first consisted of four men who gained the fort one night, and the 2nd was a political party of twenty-five." (Lindley (2003), p. 131.)
11. ^ These Texian reinforcements were later dubbed the Immortal 32.
12. ^ Almonte's journal reported that there was an engagement that night, but that the Mexican troops had repulsed the assault. (Lindley (2003), p. 143.)
13. ^ Lieutenant José Maria Torres is credited with successfully raising the Mexican flag; he was mortally wounded in the process. (Todish et al. (1998), p. 54.)
14. ^ According to Edmondson, Wolf then ran into the room, grabbed his remaining son, and leaped with the kid from the cannon ramp at the rear of the church building; both were killed by musket shots earlier hitting the ground. (Edmondson (2000), p. 372.)
15. ^ Edmondson speculates that these men might have been ill or wounded and were therefore unable to fight. (Edmondson (2000), p. 373)
16. ^ According to Petite, "Every account of the Crockett give up-execution story comes from an avowed adversary (either on political or military grounds) of Santa Anna'southward. It is believed that many stories, such as the surrender and execution of Crockett, were created and spread in order to discredit Santa Anna and add together to his part as villain." (Petite (1999), p. 124.)
17. ^ The identity of this officer is disputed. Edmondson claims that this remark was fabricated by Colonel Juan Almonte and overheard by Almonte's cook, Ben. (Edmondson (2000), p. 374.) Todish attributes the remark to Lieutenant Colonel José Juan Sanchez Navarro. (Todish et al. (1998), p. 55.)
18. ^ Co-ordinate to Francisco Ruiz, possibly the alcalde of Béxar, the graveyard was about full and that he instead threw some of the corpses in the river. (Edmondson (2000), p. 374.) Sam Houston reported on March 13 that all Mexicans were cached. (Lindley (2003), p. 277.)
19. ^ Cremating bodies was anathema at the time, every bit most Christians believed that a torso could not be resurrected unless it were whole. (Petite (1999), p. 139.)
20. ^ Historians J. Frank Dobie and Lon Tinkle requested that they non be listed as historical directorate in the credits of The Alamo because of its disjunction from recognized history. (Todish et al. (1998), p. 188.)

References

1. ^ ^{a b} Hardin (2010).
2. ^ ^{a b c d e f grand} Todish et al. (1998), p. 55.
3. ^ ^{a b} Hardin (1994), p. 155.
4. ^ ^{a b} Nofi (1992), p. 136.
5. ^ ^{a b c} Nofi (1992), p. 213.
6. ^ Felipe Tena Ramírez, Leyes fundamentales de México, 1808–1971. pp. 202–248.
7. ^ Todish et al. (1998), p. 6.
8. ^ Henson (1982), p. 96.
9. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 78.
10. ^ Barr (1990), p. 4.
11. ^ ^{a b} Barr (1990), p. 56.
12. ^ Hardin (1994), p. 98.
13. ^ Hardin (1994), p. 99.
14. ^ Todish et al. (1998), p. 20.
15. ^ ^{a b} Barr (1990), p. 63.
16. ^ Scott (2000), p. 71.
17. ^ Scott (2000), pp. 74–75.
18. ^ ^{a b} Edmondson (2000), p. 129.
19. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 128.
20. ^ ^{a b} Edmondson (2000), p. 131.
21. ^ ^{a b} Myers (1948), p. 181.
22. ^ Todish et al. (1998), p. ten.
23. ^ ^{a b c d e} Edmondson (2000), p. 364.
24. ^ Myers (1948), p. 180.
25. ^ Hardin (1994), p. 111.
26. ^ ^{a b c} Todish et al. (1998), p. 29.
27. ^ Todish et al. (1998), p. 30.
28. ^ ^{a b c} Todish et al. (1998), p. 31.
29. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 252.
30. ^ Hopewell (1994), p. 114.
31. ^ ^{a b c d} Hopewell (1994), p. 115.
32. ^ Hardin (1994), p. 117.
33. ^ Chariton (1992), p. 98.
34. ^ ^{a b} Todish et al. (1998), p. 32.
35. ^ Hopewell (1994), p. 116.
36. ^ Hardin (1994), p. 120.
37. ^ ^{a b c} Hardin (1994), p. 102.
38. ^ Lord (1961), p. 67.
39. ^ Hardin (1994), p. 103.
40. ^ Lord (1961), p. 73.
41. ^ Hardin (1994), p. 105.
42. ^ Lord (1961), p. 89.
43. ^ ^{a b} Todish et al. (1998), p. 36.
44. ^ ^{a b} Nofi (1992), p. 76.
45. ^ Edmondson (2000), pp. 299–301.
46. ^ Lord (1961), p. 95.
47. ^ Lord (1961), p. 105.
48. ^ Lindley (2003), p. 89.
49. ^ ^{a b c} Todish et al. (1998), pp. 40–41.
50. ^ Todish et al. (1998), p. 40.
51. ^ ^{a b} Nofi (1992), p. 78.
52. ^ ^{a b} Edmondson (2000), p. 308.
53. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 310.
54. ^ Nofi (1992), p. 81.
55. ^ ^{a b c d e} Todish et al. (1998), p. 43.
56. ^ ^{a b c d} Hardin (1994), p. 132.
57. ^ Petite (1999), p. 34.
58. ^ ^{a b} Nofi (1992), p. 80.
59. ^ ^{a b c} Todish et al. (1998), p. 42.
60. ^ ^{a b} Tinkle (1985), p. 118.
61. ^ Lord (1961), p. 109.
62. ^ ^{a b} Tinkle (1985), p. 119.
63. ^ Tinkle (1985), p. 120.
64. ^ Nofi (1992), p. 83.
65. ^ Todish et al. (1998), p. 44.
66. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 325.
67. ^ Lord (1961), p. 14
68. ^ Lord (1961), p. 107.
69. ^ Scott (2000), p. 102.
70. ^ Myers (1948), p. 200.
71. ^ Petite (1999), p. 88.
72. ^ Petite (1999), p. xc.
73. ^ Tinkle (1985), p. 162.
74. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 324.
75. ^ Nofi (1992), p. 95.
76. ^ Scott (2000), pp. 100–101.
77. ^ Lindley (2003), p. 130.
78. ^ Lindley (2003), p. 131.
79. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 340.
80. ^ Todish et al. (1998), p. 47.
81. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 349.
82. ^ Lindley (2003), p. 140.
83. ^ ^{a b} Lindley (2003), p. 142.
84. ^ Lindley (2003), pp. 137–38.
85. ^ Todish et al. (1998), p. 48.
86. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 355.
87. ^ ^{a b} Todish et al. (1998), p. 49.
88. ^ Hopewell (1994), p. 126.
89. ^ Chariton (1992), p. 195.
90. ^ Hardin (1994), p. 124.
91. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 360.
92. ^ ^{a b} Edmondson (2000), p. 356.
93. ^ ^{a b c d} Edmondson (2000), p. 357.
94. ^ ^{a b} Todish et al. (1998), p. 51.
95. ^ ^{a b} Edmondson (2000), p. 362.
96. ^ ^{a b} Hardin (1994), p. 138.
97. ^ Todish et al. (1998), p. 50.
98. ^ ^{a b} Lord (1961), p. 160.
99. ^ ^{a b} Hardin (1994), pp. 138–139.
100. ^ ^{a b c d} Hardin (1994), p. 139.
101. ^ ^{a b} Tinkle (1985), p. 196.
102. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 363.
103. ^ ^{a b c d eastward} Todish et al. (1998), p. 52.
104. ^ Petite (1999), p. 113.
105. ^ Hardin (1994), p. 146.
106. ^ ^{a b c d} Hardin (1994), p. 147.
107. ^ ^{a b c d} Todish et al. (1998), p. 53.
108. ^ Petite (1999), p. 112.
109. ^ ^{a b c d} Edmondson (2000), p. 366.
110. ^ ^{a b} Edmondson (2000), p. 368.
111. ^ ^{a b} Edmondson (2000), p. 367.
112. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 369.
113. ^ ^{a b} Todish et al. (1998), p. 54.
114. ^ Petite (1999), p. 114.
115. ^ ^{a b} Edmondson (2000), p. 370.
116. ^ Groneman (1996), p. 214.
117. ^ ^{a b} Hopewell (1994), p. 127.
118. ^ Chariton (1992), p. 74.
119. ^ Petite (1999), p. 115.
120. ^ ^{a b c d} Edmondson (2000), p. 371.
121. ^ Tinkle (1985), p. 216.
122. ^ ^{a b c} Edmondson (2000), p. 372.
123. ^ Tinkle (1985), p. 218.
124. ^ ^{a b} Lord (1961), p. 166.
125. ^ Groneman (1990), pp. 55–56.
126. ^ Tinkle (1985), p. 220.
127. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 373.
128. ^ ^{a b} Petite (1999), p. 123.
129. ^ Hardin (1994), p. 148.
130. ^ Tinkle (1985), p. 214.
131. ^ ^{a b} Petite (1999), p. 124.
132. ^ Lord (1961), p. 167.
133. ^ ^{a b c d} Edmondson (2000), p. 374.
134. ^ Hardin (1994), p. 156.
135. ^ Nofi (1992), p. 133.
136. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 407.
137. ^ Groneman (1990), p. 119.
138. ^ Petite (1999), p. 134.
139. ^ Petite (1999), p. 131.
140. ^ ^{a b} Chariton (1990), p. 78.
141. ^ Petite (1999), p. 132.
142. ^ Petite (1999), p. 128.
143. ^ Petite (1999), p. 127.
144. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 375.
145. ^ Nofi (1992), p. 138.
146. ^ Edmondson (2000), p. 376.
147. ^ Todish et al. (1998), p. 67.
148. ^ Todish et al. (1998), p. 68.
149. ^ Lord (1961), p. 190.
150. ^ ^{a b} Edmondson (2000), p. 378.
151. ^ Hardin (1994), p. 158.
152. ^ Lord (1961), p. 169.
153. ^ Todish et al. (1998), p. 69.
154. ^ Todish et al. (1998), p. 70.
155. ^ ^{a b} Schoelwer & Gläser (1985), p. 98.
156. ^ Schoelwer & Gläser (1985), p. 18.
157. ^ Schoelwer & Gläser (1985), pp. 52, 56.
158. ^ Todish et al. (1998), p. 199.
159. ^ ^{a b} Groneman (1998), p. 52.
160. ^ Groneman (1998), p. 56.
161. ^ ^{a b} Lindley (2003), p. 106.
162. ^ Nofi (1992), p. 211.
163. ^ Cox (1998).
164. ^ Todish et al. (1998), p. 187.
165. ^ Todish et al. (1998), p. 188.
166. ^ Culpepper (2004).
167. ^ Todish et al. (1998), p. 194.
168. ^ Todish et al. (1998), p. 196.
169. ^ Edwards (2009), p. 148.
170. ^ Thompson (2001), p. 246.
171. ^ Chemerka & Wiener (2009), p. 157.
172. ^ Michels (2010).
173. ^ Cobler (2015).
174. ^ N/A (2014).
175. ^ "Texas Centennial Issue". Smithsonian National Postal Museum.
176. ^ "nine-cent The Alamo". Smithsonian National Postal Museum.

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• Tinkle, Lon (1985) [1958]. thirteen Days to Glory: The Siege of the Alamo (Reprint: McGraw-Hill ed.). College Station, TX: Texas A&K University Press. ISBN978-0-89096-238-1.
• Thompson, Frank (2001). The Alamo: A Cultural History. Dallas, TX: Taylor Trade. ISBN9781461734352.
• Todish, Timothy J.; Todish, Terry; Bound, Ted (1998). Alamo Sourcebook, 1836: A Comprehensive Guide to the Battle of the Alamo and the Texas Revolution. Austin, TX: Eakin Press. ISBN978-1-57168-152-2.
• N/A (July 21, 2014). "Phil Collins Printing Briefing". The Official Alamo Website. Archived from the original on September 28, 2014. Retrieved September 22, 2014.

Further reading

• Burrough, Bryan; Tomlinson, Chris; Stanford, Jason (2021). Forget the Alamo: The Rise and Fall of an American Myth. Penguin Press. ISBN9781984880093.
• Crisp, James East. (2005). Sleuthing the Alamo. Oxford University Press. ISBN978-0-195-16349-0.
• Davis, William C. (1998). Three Roads to the Alamo: The Lives and Fortunes of David Crockett, James Bowie, and William Barret Travis. HarperCollins. ISBN978-0-060-17334-0.
• Dole, Gerard (2011). Texas 1836 – Musical Echoes from the Alamo (paperback). Paris: Terre de Brume. ISBN978-2-843-62474-ii.
• Donovan, James (2012). The Blood of Heroes: The thirteen-24-hour interval Struggle for the Alamo – and the Sacrifice That Forged a Nation. Little, Chocolate-brown and Company. ISBN978-0-316-05374-7.
• Fehrenbach, T.R. (June 1967). "Call back the Alamo!". In Campbell, John W. (ed.). Analog One (paperback). ISBN978-0-586-02256-6. Sci-Fi story about a time traveller who goes dorsum to the Alamo at the fourth dimension of the battle – and gets trapped in the past.
• Hardin, Stephen Fifty. (2001). The Alamo 1836: Santa Anna's Texas Campaign. Osprey Campaign Series #89. Osprey Publishing. ISBN978-1-841-76090-2.
• Manchaca, Martha (2001). Recovering History, Constructing Race: The Indian, Black, and White Roots of Mexican Americans. The Joe R. and Teresa Lozano Long Series in Latin American and Latino Art and Culture. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. ISBN978-0-292-75253-v.
• Green, Michael R. (April 1988). "To the People of Texas & All Americans in the World". The Southwestern Historical Quarterly. 91 (4): 483–508. JSTOR 30240052.
• Winders, Richard Bruce (April 2017). ""This Is A Cruel Truth, But I Cannot Omit It": The Origin and Result of United mexican states's No Quarter Policy in the Texas Revolution". Southwestern Historical Quarterly. 120 (4): 412–439. doi:10.1353/swh.2017.0000. ISSN 1558-9560. S2CID 151940992.

External links

• Official website for the Alamo
• Documentary excerpt

rosfrum2001.blogspot.com

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_the_Alamo

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